The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Theology of the Apostle Paul

Introduction

Over fifty years after their discovery, the Dead Sea Scrolls continue to impact Old and New Testament studies.  A veritable publication blizzard traverses the maps of comparative exegesis, linguistic analogy, translation, archeology, historical theory, and theology, among others.  Theories thus produced range from scholarly evaluation of linguistic nuances to broad sweeping generalizations to the outright bizarre. From all this come significant revelations on the study of the ‘intertestamental’ Palestinian Judaism from which early Christianity is derived.  Similarities between certain phrases and ideas in the Scrolls and the New Testament have been noticed and commented upon since the earliest days of Scroll study.  Millar Burrows has stated: From my first acquaintance with the Dead Sea Scrolls in 1947, what has most surprised and impressed me is the agreement of some aspects of Qumran theology with the most distinctive doctrines of the Apostle Paul.[1]   The extent of agreement is enough to warrant re-evaluation of previously held views on Paul and his writings.  This essay will attempt to briefly summarize the scholarly literature on this subject, and reach a reasonable conclusion regarding the impact the Scrolls and their writers likely had on Paul. 

Preface

All quotations from the Bible are derived from the Ryrie Study Bible, Expanded Edition, New International Version, 1994.  Quotations of Dead Sea Scrolls texts are taken from The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, by Geza Vermes.  The few exceptions are those which form part of a quoted author’s text, and in those the scroll enumeration is left intact.  References to the Bible and the Scrolls are included in the text by convention.

Contact

The starting point must be the nature of any contacts Paul may have had with the Qumran Community or its writings, for without some sort of exposure, any question of the impact they may have had on Paul is moot.  Therefore, the first issue raised is whether there is any definitive archeological or literary evidence of Paul having had such exposure.  The answer to this one is easy: no.  Neither the New Testament nor the Scrolls attest to anything of the sort.  However, this certainly does not prove the negative.  Was there opportunity for Paul to have had unreported contact with these presumed Essenes?  The answer is a qualified yes, and it is here that the debate begins.  Possibilities begin with Jerusalem. 

Jerusalem

Saul was raised in Tarsus, and went to Jerusalem to train as a Pharisee. The first possibility regards John the Baptist, whom some have suggested was an Essene, or at least spent significant time with them.[2]   We do not know if Paul was in Jerusalem during the time of John’s ministry.  If he was, the arrest and execution of such a man would hardly go unnoticed by a young Pharisee.  But that does not suggest that Saul learned anything from John.  The Damascus Document from Qumran and the Cairo genizah reports that some members of the sect of Qumran were living in the towns of Palestine, including Jerusalem.  The Book of Acts (7:58, 8:1, and 22:20) proves Saul’s presence in Jerusalem during the stoning of Stephen.  As a Pharisee, he likely had been there some time while in training and serving the Jewish religious hierarchy.  He certainly knew of “the Way,” and it is unlikely that Saul would have been completely ignorant of a Jewish sect with members dwelling in Jerusalem.  Soon after was Saul’s conversion experience on the road to Damascus, eagerly searching for more early Christians (Acts 9:4-9).

Damascus

At Damascus, Saul was healed of his blindness by a pious disciple named Ananias (Acts 9:10-19), then “Saul spent several days with the disciples in Damascus” (Acts 9:19f).  So Saul found those he had been seeking to persecute, members of  “the Way,” in Damascus.  Who were these early Christians?  Some have argued that they were converted Essenes.[3] In fact, R. E. Osborne stated, “If Paul did in fact meet some Essenes in Damascus, the most likely candidate from the pages of the New Testament is Ananias.”[4]  In Acts 22:14, Paul quotes Ananias: “The God of our fathers has chosen you to know his will and to see the Righteous One and to hear words from his mouth.” Osborne noted the similarity of “Righteous One” to the “Teacher of Righteousness” mentioned in the Scrolls.[5]   Paul described Ananias as a “devout observer of the law and highly respected by all the Jews living there” (Acts 22:12), so in this respect he fits the description of an Essene. But, were there Essenes in Damascus?  Millar Burrows denied any evidence of them in the city of Damascus.[6]  The now widely held belief that the “Damascus” referred to in the Dead Sea Scrolls is symbolic for the community at Qumran, complicates the issue considerably. But the answer as to why the Essenes at Qumran referred to themselves as being in Damascus may be related to the political situation.  Lawrence Schiffman mentioned the suggestion that Damascus was actually at one time the name of a toparchy,  (administrative district) in which Qumran was situated.  This suggestion assumes that Qumran, even though it is located on the western shore of the Dead Sea, was at one time part of the same administrative unit as Damascus and could, therefore, bear its name. [7] This is somewhat reminiscent of present day New York, to which one feels obliged to attach “city” or “state.”  Regardless, the data here is inconclusive.

Arabia

After Saul had preached in Damascus for an unknown time, he was forced to leave the city. Paul reported the incident in 2 Corinthians 11:32-33:  “In Damascus the governor under King Aretas had the city of the Damascenes guarded in order to arrest me.  But I was lowered in a basket from a window in the wall and slipped through his hands.”  Then he “went immediately to Arabia and later returned to Damascus,” and  three years elapsed before Paul returned to Jerusalem (Gal 1: 17-18).  The “King Aretus” Paul mentioned is likely Aretus of Nabatea.  About his time in Arabia Paul is curiously silent, but some have suggested this was when he contacted the Essenes.  Osborne reported that “in the Arabic version of the Polyglots this passage in Gal. 1:17 is rendered: “Immediately I went to El Belka.”  J. B. Lightfoot locates this place as east and northeast of the Dead Sea.  If he is correct, Paul was very close to Khirbet Qumran.”[8]  Certainly, given three years the distances involved are not too great for Paul, who later traveled much more extensively.  His activity during this time is debated, but it seems by his experience in Damascus that his ministry had already begun.  This writer therefore agrees with Osborne that these three years were likely spent in missionary travels and fellowship.[9]  Once again, one is left with the possibility of contact, but no confirmation.

Jerusalem and Beyond

Jesus, in the verse quoted above, announced the establishment and nature of the new covenant with his disciples and future believers.  Paul refers to this covenant twice, again quoting Christ’s words in 1 Corinthians 11:25, and in 2 Cor 3:6, “He has made us competent ministers of a new covenant- not of the letter but of the Spirit; for the letter kills, but the Spirit gives life.”  Hebrews mentions the New Covenant several times, but of course its authorship is in question.   For Paul, the New Covenant was given for all who would profess faith in Jesus Christ and receive the Holy Spirit.  This includes Jewish converts as well as Gentiles.  Inclusion of the latter was a distinct departure from earlier covenants, and Paul saw himself as the “Apostle to the Gentiles.”  Paul was the instrument through which God would fulfill Hosea 2:23f: “I will say to those called ‘Not my people,’ ‘You are my people;’ and they will say, ‘You are my God’ ” (Romans 9:25-26).  Thus the covenant community included all believers.  The community would be “members of God’s household, built on the foundation of the apostles and prophets, with Christ Jesus himself as the cornerstone.  In him the whole building is joined together and rises to become a Holy Temple in the Lord”  (Eph 2:19f-21).  But Paul did not limit salvation only to current believers.  When  “the full number of the Gentiles has come in . . . all Israel will be saved” (Rom 11:25f-26a).  The terms of the New Covenant were also quite different. To be a party to it, man simply needed to profess his faith in Christ and his sins were atoned, thus making the sacrificial system obsolete.  God would do the rest, sending His Holy Spirit to dwell within the believer (1 Cor 6:19), resulting in an inner change incompatible with a continued life in sin (Rom 8:5-6).  Christians were commanded to bond together as one body in Christ, each member using his own gifts to the benefit of all.  This would constitute the remnant of “Israel,” for “it is not the natural children who are God’s children, but it is the children of the promise who are regarded as Abraham’s offspring” (Rom 9:8f).  Believers were admonished to be separate from the sinful world in spirit, but to always seek the good of others, even enemies.  The ultimate good was to bring one to a saving knowledge of Christ. 

The Qumran Community was similar in some ways.  They too believed that God had established a New Covenant with them as the faithful remnant of Israel, and that only members of the covenant community would receive salvation.  They were to be “the members of the New Covenant in the land of Damascus” (CD 6:19), and a “foundation of truth for Israel, for the Community of the everlasting Covenant . . . for those in Israel who have freely pledged themselves to the House of Truth” (1QS 5:5f).  Love for one another was a central issue, and they were to “succour the poor, the needy, and the stranger” (CD 6:20).    The common analogy of the community forming a foundation is easily seen, but again this is a theme found in the Old Testament (Isa 28:16).  However, the differences are deep and many.  The Qumran community recognized no man’s death as atoning for sin, and believed the true sacrificial system would be restored.  Entry into the covenant was also by individual choice, but required a period of testing and before one could be admitted into the Community. Their faith was shown by obedience to the Law as established for the Community. The idea of bringing Gentiles into the Community would have been unthinkable.  Gentiles along with unfaithful Jews would be destroyed in the end times.  Community members were to have minimal contact with outsiders, only as was necessary to the function of the camp.  The Community was to “separate from the sons of the Pit, and shall keep away from the unclean riches of wickedness” (CD, VI: 15). Though some lived in “camps according to the rule of the Land, marrying and begetting children,” (CD 7:7) this was clearly a separatist group, with the central governing body retreating to the desert to await the coming Messiahs and the final war.

That both the Qumran Community and the early Christians recognized the need for a New Covenant is readily apparent.  Certainly, each could have drawn their vision of God’s plan for it from the Old Testament. There is no need to surmise that Paul was influenced by the Qumran group here.  The similarities are such as might be expected of any new religious group, and the differences are great. As Timothy Lim succinctly concludes: 

Given the diverging views concerning the efficacy of Jewish law in these texts, it is hardly illuminating, and even misleading, to compare the notion of the new covenant in Paul to that of the Qumran community.  Whereas Paul sees the old covenant as having been surpassed by the new dispensation (2 Cor. 3), the Qumran community new covenant involves a return to a correct and punctilious observance of the Mosaic commandments.[17]

Special consideration must be given, however, to 2 Corinthians 6:14-7:1. The text deals with the relation of the Church community to wickedness, so it will be discussed in this section.  Many believe these verses were inserted in the epistle after it was written.  The passage interrupts the train of discourse, which then resumes in logical fashion.  In a thorough review of this topic, Joachim Gnilka states, “Our study of the terminology of 2 Cor 6:14-7:1 leads to the conclusion that . . . this passage cannot have been written by Paul.”[18] Some have found these verses to be essentially “Qumranian” in nature, particularly as they refer to “Belial,” the Qumran name for Satan.  This name is found in the Testaments to the Twelve Patriarchs; however it is not used elsewhere in the New Testament, and in the Old Testament is used only as a descriptive term meaning “worthless, wickedness, or perdition.”[19] Gnilka therefore concludes: The contrasting pairs Christ-Belial, believer-unbeliever . . . compel us to assume that the author of this fragment was a Christian.  But he has been considerably influenced by traditions which are active in Qumran and the Test XII Patr., as is proved by the number of parallel concepts and ideas.  Paul or someone else inserted the already existent fragment into 2 Cor.”[20]

Mystery

Paul and the Teacher of Righteousness wrote often of the mysteries revealed to them.  Paul used the term often, especially in the Epistle to the Ephesians, where it is used six times.[21]   Detailed analysis of parallel usage of the term ‘mystery’ is beyond the scope of this paper, and the reader is referred to the exhaustive review by Joseph Coppens.[22]  A brief overview of important points will have to suffice here.  For Paul, “In its strict and religious sense, the term ‘mystery’ designates the secret plan of universal salvation.[23]  Further, as Pierre Benoit states, it is “not given to recall men back to a strict observance of divine laws, . . . it brings a message, absolutely unheard of, unexpected and without parallel, of salvation achieved through the cross of Christ (1 Cor 2:7-8), offered to Gentile as well as Jew (Col 1:27, Eph 3:6, 8, 12; cf. Rom 11:25ff).”[24] It includes also the ultimate salvation of the Jews, as described above. Perhaps the critical point of Paul’s ‘mystery’ is its timing, “the battle has already been fought and victory won by a single individual, Christ.”[25]   Paul’s use of the word evolves with time, and there is debate as to whether he speaks of only one ‘Great Mystery’ or several.  Coppens favors the latter.[26]  One thing is certain, Paul felt the mysteries revealed to him should be spread to all mankind (Rom 16:26, Eph 6:19, Col 4:3). 

In contrast, “At Qumran the mystery, or rather mysteries, have their centre in God. They constitute an ensemble of knowledge, of decrees, and the riches of grace which are beyond human understanding.”[27]   The Teacher of Righteousness is the primary recipient of these revelations; to him “God has made known all the secrets of the sayings of the prophets” (1QpHab 7:4-5), to which he also attests in numerous Thanksgiving hymns.  But others, including the prophet, the priests, the twelve men and three priests of the community, and the maskil, are also chosen to reveal the mysteries.[28]  In comparison to Paul there are “profound differences regarding the time and manner of the revelation of the mystery, as well as its content.  There is no equivalent to the eschatological ‘now’ of St. Paul. The revelation given to the Teacher of Righteousness seems to be no more than the final part of a very ancient revelation.”[29]  The ultimate salvation of the Community members would not occur until the coming eschatological crisis (1QH 7:12), so the saving events are in the future, whereas for Paul they have already occurred.[30]   Its primary goal is also different, that being restoration of the Torah in a pristine form.  Another difference regards the status of the nation of Israel outside the Community.  “Qumran offers no parallel to this vision of the mystery of salvation: temporary rejection of a part of Israel and final salvation of the entire people.  In fact, we find the opposite.”[31]   The ‘outsiders’ in Israel would be destroyed along with the Gentile host. The War Scroll is introduced thus: “For the master.  The rule of War on the unleashing of the attack of the sons of light against the company of the sons of darkness, the army of Belial: . . . the bands of the Kittim of Assyria and their allies the ungodly of the Covenant” (1QM, 1:1-2).  Further: “This shall be a time of salvation for the people of God . . . and of everlasting destruction for all the company of Belial” (1QM 1:4-5). 

When comparing this doctrine, one must keep in mind “that Qumran literature offers numerous partial parallels to our text, and what is more, places us in a situation closely resembling that described by the Apostle.”[32]    But there are differences, and one should exercise caution when putting emphasis on literary parallels that may have a common root source, such as Messianic expectation.

Spirits

Paul contrasts life in the spirit with that of the flesh in Galatians 5:13-26.  He sees that the ‘flesh’ (sometimes translated “sinful nature,” e.g., the NIV) is a part of the believer’s old state, which is under the Law.  This nature and the ‘Spirit’ are in conflict within each believer.  He gives a list of the “acts of the sinful nature,” and follows with one of the “fruit of the spirit.”  In verse 24, he states, “Those who belong to Jesus Christ have crucified the sinful nature with its passions and desires.”  So while the two natures are at war within each Christian, he is no longer ruled by the sinful nature under the law, but by the Spirit (Rom 8:9).  In 1 Cor 5:5, Paul pronounces the punishment the church should apply to a man who had persisted in an incestuous relationship: “hand this man over to Satan, so that the sinful nature may be destroyed and his spirit saved on the day of the Lord.”  Adela Yarbro Collins has argued that “this ‘destruction of the flesh’ most likely refers to an aspect of the future eschatological crisis expected by Paul.”[33]   She goes on: “ ‘destruction of the flesh’ in 1 Cor 5:5 should be interpreted as the fiery trial of all creation, in which ‘the flesh,’ namely, those elements and aspects of creation hostile to God, will be destroyed.”[34]  This aspect of destruction on the day of the Lord has parallel in Qumran, as shown earlier. 

Another theme finding parallel is that of the opposing forces of  “light” and “darkness.”  Benoit says it “occurs quite often in Paul’s writings, from his earliest  (1 Thess 5:10), through 2 Cor (4:6; 6:14; 11:14) and Rom (2:19; 13:11-13) to his last letters (Col 1: 12-13; Eph 5:6-14).”[35]    He goes on to state that most of the passages “appear in contexts of eschatological crisis and conflict, . . . dualistic opposition . . . and even of angelic intervention.”[36]  

G. R. Driver has described the use of the word “flesh” at Qumran: “In the Scrolls flesh is set in contrast not only to the spirit of God but also to the spirit of truth. . . .  Man as flesh was regarded as unworthy of God and naturally inclined to succumb to Belial,  i.e., to sin . . .”[37]  The Community Rule XI:9 states, “I belong to wicked mankind, to the company of unjust flesh.”  Thus, according to Driver, “the Covenanter belongs to both groups: as sinful man he is ‘flesh of sin’ but as ‘elect of God’ by virtue of the indwelling spirit of truth determining his actions he is one of ‘the sons of the eternal society’” (D ii 25).[38]  The parallel to Paul is evident, the struggle within man between the “flesh” and the “Spirit” (Holy Spirit for Paul, the Spirit of Truth for Qumran).  The terminology here is slightly different, but the overall picture is quite similar. 

In the Scrolls the spirits of “truth” and “falsehood” are synonymous with those of “light” and “darkness.” It is these spirits which, for the Covenanters, are at war with each other, and thus it is here that the parallels to Paul’s “flesh and spirit” are found.  In the War Scroll are many references to the “sons of light” and the “sons of darkness,” which are the warring elements.  They are related to both earthly and heavenly hosts.  In addition, the Community rule contains lists of the characteristics of the spirits of “true righteousness” (1QS 4:2-8) and  “falsehood” (1QS 4:9-12).  While the characteristics given are not the same, they are not unlike those of Paul.  In this regard, Grundmann stated, “In Qumran too they know that the man who is justified by grace recieves the Holy Spirit.  The member of the order in Qumran is freed from the spirit of lies and error, and receives the spirit of truth, the holy spirit.”[39]   The Community Rule agrees: “He shall be cleansed of his sin by the spirit of holiness uniting him to His truth” (1QS III: 7).

Works

“For it is by grace you have been saved, through faith- and not by works, so that no man can boast.” Ephesians 2:8

The above verse thoroughly sums up Paul’s doctrine on the subject of works.  Similar verses are found elsewhere in his writings (Gal 2:16, Rom 3:20, 27-28).  He evidently feared that such statements might be misinterpreted, for example, Romans 3:30: “Do we, then, nullify the law by this faith?  Not at all!  Rather we uphold the law.”  He did not intend for man to ignore the commandments of God, but rather to be freed from the sinful nature in order to follow out of faithful devotion to God, not by legalistic obligation to a written code. Paul contrasts man’s attempt to obtain righteousness via the law, with the righteousness provided by God through the work of Jesus Christ.  For Qumran, the spirit of truth they received enabled them to follow the law to the letter.  Grundmann stated, “This spirit overcomes the spirit of falsehood to whom they were subject; for this reason they are obliged to observe the Torah in the strictest way.”[40]  The Community rule concurs. “Let him then order his steps {to walk} (4Q255) perfectly in all the ways commanded by God . . . he shall be accepted by virtue of a pleasing atonement before God” (1QS III: 10-11). 

Thus, the member’s spirit would be changed by the spirit of truth, but it would be his subsequent works that made him acceptable to God. The phrase which Paul uses, erga nomou translated “works” or “observance” of “the law,” has no equivalent in the Hebrew of the Old Testament, nor in the later rabbinical writings.[41]  But it has been found in Qumran text 4QMMT (“Some Observances of the Law”).  Furthermore, the text connects the term with righteousness.  “We have written to you (sing.) concerning (27) some of the observances of the Law (miqsat ma’ase ha-torah), which we think are beneficial to you and your people . . .  And it will be reckoned to you as righteousness when you perform what is right and good before Him” (4Q399: 26a-31). Fitzmeyer states, “This text shows that Paul, in relating ‘works of the Law’ to the pursuit of  ‘righteousness,’ knew whereof he was speaking.  It manifests how he was coping with current Palestinian Jewish ways of thinking.”[42]  The lack of this term in other texts does not prove that Paul was writing with an eye specifically toward the Essenes, but since theirs are the only extant texts containing the phrase, certainly this is suggested.

Predestination

The Apostle Paul used the word “predestined” four times in his letters (Rom 8:29,30, Eph 1:5, 11).  These are the only times the word is used in the Protestant canon of the Bible.  It seems likely that his doctrine stems from Jeremiah 1:5: “Before I formed you in the womb I knew you, before you were born I set you apart; I appointed you as a prophet to the nations.”  Isaiah 49:5 may also have influenced his thought. The fact that God knew Jeremiah before he was even formed in the womb logically leads one to question, “Does He therefore know us all before we are formed?”  Then the related question, “Does He also set us apart for particular roles, as He did with Jeremiah?”  As for Paul, it would seem the answer to both was “yes!” The Qumran Community also believed in predestination: “Thou didst establish their destiny before ever they were” (1QH IX: 9f).  Also:

Thou alone didst [create] the just and establish him from the womb for the time of goodwill, that he might harken to Thy Covenant and walk in all (Thy ways) . . . But the wicked Thou didst create for [the time] of Thy [wrath], Thou didst vow them from the womb to the Day of Massacre, for they walk in the way which is not good (1QH VII: 14f-15, 17-18). 

They believed that all individuals were predestined to either the “spirit of truth” or the “spirit of falsehood.”  Obviously, it is just as likely that the Qumran view of predestination was also drawn from Isaiah and Jeremiah.  But we do not know if this was a common belief in Judaism of the day.  If not, why would Paul have discussed it?  Was he directing this at the Essenes, as an alteration of their view with Christ in mind?

Conclusion

In this work, the writer has endeavored to present some of the main themes of the Apostle Paul’s theology, and how the Dead Sea Scrolls or their authors may have influenced those themes.  This is certainly not an exhaustive review, but an overview of prior studies, with a few of the writer’s points mixed in. The conclusions of the studies cited in this work have been almost as numerous as the number of authors.  Therefore the writer will now list some of those conclusions, followed by his own.  Walter Grundmann regarding the doctrine of justification by faith:

It is finally clear that the originality of this faith cannot be defined by concepts, a system or a history of the ideas; it is personal community with Jesus Christ, …To explain it Paul can borrow themes both from Jewish theology and from Hellenistic mystery-religions.  But the decisive point is this personal community.[43]

W. D. Davies regarding the influence of the Scrolls on Christian origins: The words of Professor W. F. Albright can most certainly be confirmed, that “perhaps the most important service of the Dead Sea Scrolls, will be the demonstration which may be brought from them that to John, the Synoptics, St. Paul, and various other books draw from a common reservoir of terminology and ideas which were well known to the Essenes and presumably familiar to other Jewish sects of the period.”[44]Pierre Benoit on Paul’s epistles:  “Paul himself can hardly have been unaware of the writings of the sect when writing Col 1: 12-13.  Literary influence of Qumran is still more striking in Ephesians.”[45]Firstly, the themes which are borrowed are secondary and do not form the essence of the Christian message.  Secondly, when they are used, they are profoundly transformed, precisely because they are put in the service of a new and original reality.[46] Jerome Murphy-O’Connor: 

That there are traces of Essene thought in the Pauline corpus is now generally admitted, for there are points of contact which cannot be explained simply in terms of the Old Testament background shared by both.  The precise extent and form of this influence, however, are still far from being accurately determined.[47]And: “As Eph shows, Paul was definitely in contact with someone who knew Essene teaching thoroughly.”[48]

J. Danielou: This sin is not personal, but primordial.  Only God can justify it: ‘In His justice He will purify me of human contagion’ (DST IV, 33).  This notion, original to the Old Testament, does not stem from Pharisaism, which is based on the works of the Law.  Paul therefore must have got it from the doctrine of Qumran.”[49]

Joseph A. Fitzmyer on angelology in Paul: “We do not know how the theological ideas of the Qumran sect influenced Paul.  That they did so is beyond doubt.”[50]   

Sherman E. Johnson: “The Apostle, however individual and creative he was, is a child of Judaism.  Judaism furnishes his presuppositions, the framework of his thought, and the materials of his thinking.”[51]

Millar Burrows:  I am convinced that the similarities between the New Testament and the Dead Sea Scrolls have been exaggerated.  There may have been some contact or perhaps contacts, direct or indirect . . . but . . . I cannot see anything more than vague possibilities.[52]

R. E. Osborne: Altogether there are more than fifty parallels of Pauline sayings in the Dead Sea Scrolls.  But this may not prove anything more than that Paul and the writers of the Scrolls drew their material from the well of ideas common to all the Jewish sects of the time…Kuhn of Heidelberg refers to what he terms Traditionszusammenhang, by which he means the postbiblical tradition from which the Qumran writers and Paul both drew.  This hypothesis accounts for the parallels not found in the Old Testament and is a much better explanation than the theory of personal contact between Paul and Qumran.[53]And: “…whether Paul actually did have contact with the men of Qumran cannot be determined.”[54] 

Adela Yarbro Collins on excommunication: The similarities between Paul’s conceptions about expulsion and those of the Essenes do not necessarily indicate that Paul had any direct relationship with communities of Essenes or with their literature.[55]

As one can see, the opinions on this issue also traverse the map.  In the writer’s opinion, the parallels between the two are too numerous to flippantly discount.  Most of the above opinions were rendered in conclusion to evaluations of specific parallels.  The body of work collectively amounts to a considerable amount of circumstantial evidence in favor of Paul having knowledge of Essene doctrines.  When Paul stood to speak in the meeting of the Areopagus, or religious council of Athens, he referred to an Athens altar with the inscription “To An Unknown God” (Acts 17: 23) as a vehicle to reveal the Gospel to the men there.  This gave them a familiar frame of reference, as opposed to hearing a foreign religion with no common ground.  Paul seemed to have a knack for such things, which is likely (along with the action of the Holy Spirit) why he had success in preaching the Gospel to Gentiles.  It seems plausible that Paul was essentially doing the same thing by using terms and doctrines familiar to the Essenes: establishing a common base from which to hold discourse on the Gospel.  Another perspective is that he was actually countering beliefs to which Essene converts to Christianity were erroneously holding.  For a man as well traveled as Paul, is it not likely that somewhere in his journeys he would have come across either practicing or former Essenes?  The writer believes it is likely.  The Essenes influenced Paul’s theology only in minor ways.  His doctrine was fully Christian and original.  But it did share traits with Essene thought.  Grundmann best explains the ultimate difference between the two: “Paul acknowleges in the crucified and risen Jesus the promised messiah, whom Qumran awaited but failed to recognize.”[56]   Perhaps, just perhaps, this is the reason Essenes no longer exist to be asked such questions.     

Bibliography

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Collins, Ydela Yarbro.  “The Function of ‘Excommunication’ in Paul.”  Harvard Theological Review 73, no. 1-2, 251-263.

Coppens, Joseph.  “ ‘Mystery’ in the Theology of Saint Paul and its Parallels at Qumran.”  In Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Jerome Murphy-O’Connor and James Charlesworth, 132-158.  New York: Crossroads, 1990.

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Davies, A. P.  The First Christian.  New York: Farrar, Strauss, 1958Driver, G. R.  The Judean Scrolls: The Problem and a Solution.  Oxford: Blackwell, 1965.

Fitzmyer, Joseph.  The Dead Sea Scroll and Christian Origins.  Grand Rapids: Erdmans, 2000.

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Johnson, Sherman E.  “Paul and the Manual of Discipline.”  Harvard Theological Review 68, no. 3, 157-165.Lim, Timothy.  “Paul, Letters of” in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, vol.2, ed.  Lawrence H. Schiffman and James VanderKam, New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Mussner, Franz.  “Contributions made by Qumran to the Understanding of the Epistle to the Ephesians.”  In Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Jerome Murphy-O’Connor and James Charlesworth, 159-178.  New York: Crossroads, 1990.

Osborne, R. E.  “Did Paul go to Qumran?”  Canadian Journal of Theology 10, no.1 (1964): 15-24.Sanders, E. P.  Paul and Palestinian Judaism.  Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977.

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